THESIS ON NBP, POST-NBP, NATIONAL-BOLSHEVISM, NEW ARCTOGAIA STRATEGY, INVASION, NEW UNIVERSITY
PART1. CRITICISM OF “NBP” PROJECT.
1. NBP was not able to realize an ideological task - to forge a new style, to create a movement of new type. This is the fault of historical moment, of anthropological non-adequacy of activists, of political leadership, of out-of-date party methods.
2. NBP was not able to become a serious political movement transmitting national-bolshevik idea. This is the fault of the exhibitionist-leader, of neglect to technical side of the movement creation, of lack of rational and effective alliances strategy.
3. Recently having pretensions of mass character, NBP became awfully stagnate in intellectual sence and degenerate evidently. A gap between the ideology (national-bolshevism as doctrine) and self-consciousness of the activists was growing disastrously.
4. Fallen into giddiness from imaginary successes, NBP leader was showing opportunism and indifference to the ideology, seeking support amidst the most mentally retarded part of Moscow organization. His “cynical” attitude towards theoretical substance of the movement fully became apparent. His egoistic, individual, auto-publicity aims came to light. All this was redoubled with his technical feebleness and social naivity bordering with idiotism.
5. It is necessary to admit an objective mistake of ideological core of national-bolshevism which was too slow for the break with quickly degenerating formation despite for a long time obvious signs of ripening collapse. If in the future ARCTOGAIA will be so forbearing to idiots defiling the idea, this defect should be pointed out. Such “tolerance” costs too much for the movement. Time of diacrisis’ crytical moment began.
PART 2. POSITIVE ASPECT OF NBP HISTORY.
1. Political dead-end does not mean ideological crisis: in the theoretical terms, as a new method and a new Weltanschauung platform, NATIONAL-BOLSHEVISM is just beginning to reveal its huge conceptual, strategical and intellectual potential. This merely ideological side of work is raising.
2. Eduard Limonov’s civil position, his certain literary and publicistic talent are quite adequate and deserve only the highest valuations. Obvious NBP unsuccesfullness has nothing with his person, which is much more wide and remains an important positive cultural and political reference point. Limonov has different sides and one of them (obviously unfortunate), connected with NBP, does not cancel others.
3. The most adequate solution could be not exaggeration of the conflict inside the organization which had lost any sense, but movement onto individual course for each its part. People, who entered NBP by attraction of the ideology, can group about ARCTOGAIA, INVASION project and NEW UNIVERSITY. Limonov’s fans and followers can continue follow him (and it is laudable).
4. BUT: NBP is not a national-bolshevik organization and ARCTOGAIYA- INVASION-NEW_UNIVERSITY is not a party.
PART 3. WHY CANNOT NBP BE REGARDED AS A NATIONAL-BOLSHEVIK FORMATION FROM NOW ON ?
1. Eduard Limonov is totally indifferent to national-bolshevism as an ideology. He never open Niekisch, Ustrialov, Strasser, Thiriart. He is indifferent to substantial side of “ELEMENTS” synthesis, to Eurasian doctrine, he denies Etkind culturological conclusions, rejects both Orthodoxy and Old Belief, which make the basis of complete national-bolshevism. Replacement of Old Belief with Islam, Dugin with Jemal, young and staunch anarchism ideologist Tsvetkov with old cynical Dudinsky (editor of “Megapolice”) is a tactical question for Limonov. It shows his absolute removal from ideological side.
2. After the leaving of national-bolshevik ideological core, the same atmosphere which was usual for Limonov before his acquaintance with Dugin is restored in Limonov’s party - these are “young punks”, modern parodies at personages of his nostalgic literary works. It is marginal, irresponsible, incapable youth, seeking for amusement and “cultured relaxation”. On the occasion they are ready to support revolutionary phrase or extravagant pose. Sometimes they may fight (mainly with comrades or ex-comrades). Their social influence is strictly equal to zero, and their number is always below minimum, able to present a mass movement. This organization is lacking in political perspectives. This is nothing more than a club of second-sort hooligans a bit more clever than just bandits (but cowardlier) and a bit less soft than the young bohemia (but sillier).
3. Senseless and hopeless organization with impetuously growing stupid newspaper and non-witty “radicalism”, having lost all relations with intellectual filling, covers with shame and discredits the idea of “national- bolshevism”. Recognition of this structure’s legality will be obtained only if the notion of “national-bolshevism” will be removed from the party’s name. The name change is essential term for normal co-operation between ARCTOGAIA, INVASION and NEW UNIVERSITY and “Limonov’s group”. Otherwise this formation will be denounced. ARCTOGAIA representatives’ contacts with “Limonov’s group” are impossible before the name change. Everybody must chose either national-bolshevism or Limonovism. Both are good, but only if each taken separately.
PART 4. WHY ARCTOGAIA, INVASION AND NEW UNIVERSITY IS NOT A PARTY ?
1. Because of other social function. This is an ideological, scientific, intellectual and lobbyistic movement built up at principles of maximum tactical flexibility. National-bolshevism is not a sect ideology, but the common denominator of all non-conformistic, alternative, anti-system strategies at the modern stage. Any formalities and strict organization will put obtacles in the way of effective propagation of national-bolshevik ideas. National-bolshevism is possible as the Weltanschauung amidst representatives of different parties and organizations, both in evident and latent form. The only exclusion is “Limonov’s group” before the name change.
2. National-bolshevism does not fit into a party. It is easy to discern a lot of national-bolshevik tendencies in different branches of opposition and also in cultural and intellectual spheres. Influence zone of national-bolshevism exceeds party borders by far. Most of Russia (Eurasia) population are national-bolsheviks. They just have not recognized it still. At other hand, quantity of convinced bearers of national-bolshevism ideas is by far less than critical mass which is necessary for creation of heavy and politically significant party. Till this ratio is not broken, no talks about a party. The ratio can be broken only by use of a new social strategy compatible with post-modern conditions.
3. Acting as a structure for knowledges and methodologies propagation, and also through slender lobbying inside existing large social institutes, national-bolshevik movement has to create structural base - realty, an information structure, an economical basis, a system of social, political and mediacracial connexions, an analytic and strategic center.
4. In our situation it is impossible to rely upon enthusiasm of non-qualified socially marginal supporters, there are not means for effectively paid party machinery creation. National-bolshevik movement should be solicitous about creation for own people the working places in strategically important business, administrative, mediacratic, educational, etc. institutions. Persons taken roots in system will strengthen the movement socially and financially.
PART 5. WHAT TO DO ?
1. National-bolshevik movement as an independent direction will be approved since September, 1998.
2. “INVASION”, in all its varieties, is the official organ of the movement. “ELEMENTS” and “ARCTOGAIA” issues remain the theoretical basis. “THE FOUNDATIONS OF GEOPOLITICS” is the strategical document. Any disagreement (even in nuances) is punished with slow death. All supporters, activists and sympathizers have to take places in a concrete project or in many projects at once. Specialists in any fields will be recruited to a solid job in accordance with their specialities. Any professional skill possession is wellcome, it is necessary to announce it as soon as possible.
3. Membership will be at non-formal basis. Everyone who makes something for common idea is a member of the movement.
4. Regional movement is represented by a net of analytic and intellectual centres constrained with mediacracial, cultural and commercial structures, and from other side - with political circles. Organization of national-bolshevik movement has a peculiar character in every concrete case - from a club to the party cell, from editorial staff of edition or broadcast to a business-consulting group.
5. Everyone has to kill a freak inside. Life style has to be changed. Reflexless acts, words and actions have to be endured gradually. It is necessary to reduce a level of own system naivity, everything should be treated critically and intelligently. To be young (and to stress it especially) is not decently. Need to be mature. There is no place in the movement for irresponsible, beggar, incapable, hindmost, lazy, thievish, stupid, idle, self-satisfied, non-curious, non-pride, croocked, greasy, squeaky, lop-liped. Respectable Philistines and underdeveloped marginals-“revolutionaries” are unacceptable equally.
6. True understanding is transformation. One is what he/she knows. True knowledge has no authorship, idea belongs to that who understands it. Adequate learning of our theoretic platform (ELEMENTS, ARCTOGAIA issues, INVASION, texts of Dugin, Tsvetkov, classics of national bolshevism, Conservative Revolution, bolshevism, national revolution, new left, and other authors) is the direct action itself. If the knowledge is not transforming in act, it is not knowledge - it is the fiction. Do everything by yourself, and then inform center about it.
7. That one will win, who is wiser. Even kind and honest fool is not of use. In our situation one clever and sly national-bolshevik can do more than big army. Serpents against serpents, intellect against intellect, efficiency against efficiency, nuance against nuance, attentiveness against attentiveness. We are living in the very complex world. Of course, it is full of two-legged nonsenses, but the idea is not in them, but in theirs chaotic interconfiguration. Existence epistle substance becomes clear from visible chaos of situations, things and humans. It is very difficult to decode this tangle, but the victory gives a very, very great deal.
A.D. st August, 1998
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